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New states in India
1.0 INTRODUCTION
There is a great diversity of opinion in India about the theory of smaller states. Many groups argue that states should be reorganized based on administrative convenience, as many states in India have a population more than that of a typical European nation, hence for administrative ease and cohesion, dividing bigger states into smaller will be better. Such new states may also have the advantage of enhancing development and empowerment of people. When track record of new states is judged, a mixed picture emerges. Today, there is a demand for around 30 new smaller states across India!
2.0 Jharkhand
We begin our discussion with the formation of Jharkhand in the year 2000, which is considered to be a great achievement of the tribal people of Chhotanagpur and Santhal Pargana, agitating for statehood since indpendence in 1947. In fact, the first time a demand for Jharkhand was made was in 1929. The new State comprises 18 districts of south Bihar. Jharkhand covers an area of 79,638 sq km of Bihar's total area of 1,74,083 sq km.
Jharkhand is full of natural resources. It is known for rich iron ore deposits, and abundance of alumina, and coal etc. Under the Bihar state, so goes the accusation, the people of Jharkhand were deprived of the benefits of these resources and extraction revenues were only used to benefit the Bihari population. The revenue generated out of these resources was mostly concentrated to the betterment of Bihar (and by corrupted politicians) but what constitutes today’s Jharkhand was largely neglected. During the period of 50 years after independence, the Biharis dominated the Jharkhandis!
The Jharkhand movement started with the organisational activities of the Chhotanagpur Unnati Samaj (CUS), founded in 1921, and subsequently of the Adivasi Mahasabha, founded in 1939. The CUS submitted a memorandum to the Simon Commission in 1928 demanding a separate Jharkhand State. The CUS, an organisation of Christian Adivasi students, was reconstituted with the inclusion of non-Christian Adivasis and it assumed the name Adivasi Mahasabha under the leadership of Major Jaipal Singh in 1939. The Adivasi Mahasabha at first accorded politics a secondary role and concentrated on agitations over economic issues at hand. It soon realised that economic problems called for political solutions. The Adivasi Mahasabha was renamed the Jharkhand Party at a conference held in at Ranchi in 1949. The Jharkhand Party contested the first the Bihar Assembly polls in 1952 and emerged as the second largest party, by winning 35 seats.
As a leader of the Jharkhand Party, Jaipal Singh made the demand in Parliament in 1954 for a separate Jharkhand state in view of the region’s social backwardness and economic deprivation. The movement's original demand was for the formation of a separate State with 16 districts of south Bihar's Chhotanagpur and Santhal Pargana regions. The Jharkhand Party also wanted three contiguous, tribal-dominated districts of adjoining West Bengal, four districts of Orissa and two districts of Madhya Pradesh to be included in the proposed State. West Bengal, Orissa and Madhya Pradesh have, however, refused to part with any territory.
In 1955, the Jharkhand Party submitted a memorandum to the States Reorganisation Commission, reiterating the State demand. The Commission rejected the demand on the ground that the Jharkhand Party did not have a majority in the Chhotanagpur and Santhal Pargana regions, and that the tribal population constituted only one-third of the total population of the region concerned and was divided into several linguistic groups.
The first sign of integrating the Jharkhand movement into national mainstream politics was Shibu Soren's electoral pact with Congress. Indira Gandhi sought to lessen the challenge posed by the JMM in Jharkhand by drawing its less ideologically driven wing into electoral politics. Soren was apparently promised immunity from prosecution for his activities while "underground" during the Emergency in return for a seat-sharing arrangement with Congress in elections in 1980. However, despite the JMM's electoral success in 1980, when it won 11 seats, the pact was strongly opposed by more left-wing JMM leaders such as A.K. Roy and Binod Bihari Mahato. The JMM formally split for the first time at the end of 1984, when Mahato formed a breakaway "real" JMM, accusing Soren of having been bought by Congress.
In the late 1970s under the Janata government in Bihar, Jana Sangh politicians in Jharkhand began to discuss statehood. But it was really in the 1980s, in response to the emergence of the JMM in electoral politics and the new agitational politics of AJSU and the JCC, that a determined focus on statehood was adopted.
Jharkhand state was formed on 15 November 2000 after almost half a century of people's movements to evolve a Jharkhandi identity, which disadvantaged societal groups articulated to augment political resources and influence the policy process in their favour. It is the 28th state of India. The Jharkhandi identity and the demand for autonomy was not premised solely on the uniqueness of its tribal cultural heritage but was essentially a fallout of the failure of development policy to intervene in socio-economic conditions of the adivasis and non-adivasis in the region.
2.1 Timeline of the Jharkhand Movement
1929-Simon commission presented with a memorandum which demanded the formation of Jharkhand state
1936-Orissa was created as a separate state
1947-On Dec. 28 All India Jharkhand Party was formed
1951-Jharkhand party was elected to Vidhan Sabha as the main opposition party
1969-Shibu Soren founded the Sonat Santhal Samaj
1971-A.K.Roy founded the Marxist M.C.C to demand a separate Jharkhand state
1973-N.E.Horo as head of the Jharkhand Party presented the Prime Minister a memorandum for separate Jharkhand state on March 12th.
1977-Jharkhand party proposed for separate Jharkhand state which included not only Chotanagpur and Santhal Pargana of Bihar but adjoining areas of Bengal, Orissa and Madhya Pradesh as well
1978-The convention of All India Jharkhand Party was held on May 21
1978-June 9 came to be Commemorated as Birsa (Munda) day
1980-Establishment of Jharkhand Kranti Dal
1986-September 25, All Jharkhand Students Union gave its first call for Jharkhand bandh , it was a huge success
1987-Call for boycott of Independence day. The home minister ofIndia directed the Bihar government to prepare a report on detailed profile of all districts of Chotnagpur and Santhal Pargana
1989-successful economic blockade for 72 hours by AJSU
1989-6 days of economic blockade by Jharkhand Mukti Morcha also successful
1994-On Jan 6 Laloo Prasad Yadav declared in Ranchi that Jharkhand Devlopment Autnomous Council Bill will be passed in budget session
1995-Jharkhand Area Autonomous Council (JAAC) was formed which comprised of 18 districts of Santhal Pargana and Chotnagpur and Shibu Soren was nominated as the Chairman
1997-Bihar government sanctioned 24 Crores for conducting the elections of Jharkhand Autonomous Council
1997-Shibu Soren offered support to minority government of Laloo Prasad Yadav on condition to create a separate Jharkhand state
The Year 2000 - The bill to create a separate state of Jharkhand to be carved out of Bihar was passed in Lok Sabha by voice with two key allies of ruling NDA strongly opposing the measure and the opposition Rashtriya Janta Dal and the CPI - M demanding it to be referred to a parliamentary committee. The long cherished demand of people of the region was fulfilled, the celebration is on through out the Jharkhand region.
August 11 - Parliament approved the formation of Jharkhand. The Rajya Sabha passed by voice-vote the Bihar Reorganisation Bill, 2000 to carve out the new state out of Bihar's Southern region.
August 25 - President Mr. K.R. Narayanan approved the Bihar Reorganisation Bill, 2000.
October 12 - The center issued gazette notification that November 15 shall be the appointed date for the formation of new Jharkhand Government.
November 15 - The new state of Jharkhand is formed.
2.2 A failed promise?
The creation of a separate state of Jharkhand was expected to empower the tribals, make better use of resources of the state and cause all round development. It is crucial to examine whether this has been achieved.
Analysts have argued that statehood has only increased the vulnerability of tribals. The token concessions of a tribal chief minister and a few reserved constituencies were deemed a green signal to displace tribals for so-called 'development'. According to reports of the Indian People's Tribunal on Environment and Human Rights, a total of 6.54 million people have so far been displaced in Jharkhand in the name of development. The land acquisition at Nagri village (near Ranchi, Jharkhand) for the Indian Institute of Management (IIM) and National University of Study and Research in Law (NUSRL) may seem like development projects in the eyes of the educated and the affluent. But these elite educational institutes have displaced over 500 tribal villagers. The displacement in the name of dams, factories, mining, etc. goes largely unreported.
The corporates have had a big role to play in politics of Jharkhand. In a place where displacement and development have become synonymous, the strategic reasons for such oppressive measures go beyond monetary gain. This political-corporate nexus was very apparent when 42 MoUs were signed as soon as Jharkhand came into being. According to a human rights report published by the Jharkhand Human Rights Movement (JHRM), the state government of Jharkhand has so far signed 102 MoUs which go against the laws of the Fifth Schedule. Vast tracts of land will be required to bring these MoUs to fruition.
Jharkhand has vast mineral reserves, with 33% of India's coal deposits, 47% of its mica and 34% of its copper deposits.
To put things in perspective, let us revise the various stages in reorganisation of States in India, post 1947, now.
People's opposition and various constitutional laws against land acquisition have always been impediments to the corporations. In 2011, a people's movement forced Arcelor Mittal to pull out of a proposed project in Jharkhand. The corporate sector has been trying hard to change the status quo in its favour, and in doing so has adopted some dubious means. The Chhota Nagpur Tenancy (CNT) Act is one of several laws provided by the Constitution to safeguard tribal interests. It was instituted in 1908 to safeguard tribal lands from being sold to non-tribals. The law was meant to prevent foreseeable dispossession, and preserve tribal identity. Loss of land would naturally lead to loss of tribal identity as the issuance of a community certificate requires proof of land possession.
The private sector seems to have taken a special interest in drastically reforming or abolishing the CNT Act. It is alleged by some that corporate-owned newspapers have campaigned vigorously for reforming the Act to make transfer of land from tribals to non-tribals more flexible. Needless to say, any reform in this direction would directly benefit corporations that own mines in the tribal lands of Jharkhand, and pave the way for future land acquisition.
The state government, irrespective of party banner, has been part of such threats to tribal interests. Non-inclusion of the Sarna religion in the religion category of census data has drastically downsized tribal populations. There have been lapses on the part of the administration to provide accurate data on tribal populations, many of which are underreported.
With the never-ending displacement, the tribal population figure has dropped to a mere 28% on paper.
3.0 UTTARAKHAND
The first ever agitation for the hill state was organized in 1957 under the leadership of erstwhile ruler of Tehri Manvendra Shah but it took almost 14 years to assume shape of a common cause of the people of the region. Uttarakhand Rajya Parishad, formed in 1973 took up the cause and became a platform for struggle. The movement produced a political party, namely Uttarakhand Kranti Dal in July 1979 under the chairmanship of former vice-chancellor of Kumaun University. Its first-ever MLA (Jaswant Singh Bisht) was elected in the assembly election held in 1980.
Kashi Singh in 1985 became its second representative to the state assembly. But this was the only inroad Uttarakhand Kranti Dal could make. Bhartiya Janata Party came up as a major force (and ultimately became a dominant party) in the hills after it started justifying the demand for new state.
As far as the state assembly was concerned, it passed a government-sponsored motion demanding an Uttarakhand state, and on 12th August 1991 Samajwadi Party chief Mulayam Singh Yadav’s government came up with a resolution to the same effect, and the state assembly adopted it on 24th August 1994.
Three years later, on 24th April 1997, the state assembly passed yet another government motion urging the center to do the needful for creating a hill state. The central government headed by the BJP, came up with a constitutional amendment bill, the first exercise of the kind, in 1997 and through the President of India, urged the state assembly to give its opinion on various provisions of the bill. The state assembly, in turn, passed a resolution offering as many as 26 amendments to the central draft bill including the one to bar Haridwar becoming part of the new state and almost usurping a number of proprietary rights over the irrigation and power projects and major natural resources. The proposed Uttarakhand State would be marked by very considerable diversity in several contexts, viz., geographic, topographic and demographic. There are the foothill plains of the tarai, which are generally fertile as well as endowed with warm climate and substantial water resources. In Kumaon the terai has become a veritable granary of cereal crops and quality seeds. There is then the Shivalik area that has many Duns. There are five of these, namely, Dehradun between Yamuna and Ganga, Chaukhamba and Kothari Duns between the Ganga and Western Ramganga, Patlidun between western Ramganga and Kosi and Kotadun between Kosi and Baur. To the north of Shivalik are stretched the 70 km wide lesser Himalayas. With sloppy terrains this area is comparatively more densely populated belt of Uttarakhand and within it many urban agglomerations are located such as Nainital, Pauri, Pithoragarh, Almora, Rudraprayag, Gopeshwar, Bageshwar, Ranikhet, Tehri, Champawat, etc.
The amendments suggested by the state assembly included among other things, full property rights to Uttar Pradesh as far as power projects and water resources are concerned. It also provided for a 60-member Assembly of the new state and till this house is constituted through all legal formalities, an interim Assembly will function on its behalf. There was a furore when Home Minister L.K. Advani stood up for tabling the bill, in yet another attempt to fulfill party's long-standing promise on 17th May 2000 in the Lok Sabha. The Uttar Pradesh reformation bill was passed in the Lok Sabha on 1st August 2000 and in the Rajya Sabha on 10 August 2000. The President gave his approval to the bill on 28th August 2000. Later it was notified to the official gazetteer.
3.1 Formation of Uttarakhand
Uttarakhand emerged as the 27th state of India on 9th November 2000, leading to the fulfillment of the long cherished dream of the people who are the residents of this hilly region. Mr. Surjeet Singh Barnala was appointed as the Governor of the newly formed state comprising of 13 Districts, while Mr. Nityanand Swami was appointed as The First Chief Minister of the state. The historical parade grounds of Dehradun (temporary Capital of Uttarakhand) served as a venue to the oath ceremony of the Governor and Chief Minister of the newly formed state.
The important events that led to formation of Uttarakhand are as follows:
In 1930 the local residents of region moved a resolution by majority vote and claimed for a separate state of Uttarakhand. Thus the foundation of the movement for a separate state of Uttarakhand was way back in 1930.
5th- 6th May 1938: In a political convention of the Congress in Srinagar (British Garhwal) Pt. Jawaharlal Nehru stated that keeping in view the distance geographic shapes and traditions, and for development of the region, the people of the region should have the right to the frame policies and take decision on for themselves on important issues.
1946: In the convention in Haldwani Garhwal Kesri Badri Outt Pandey demanded special status for the region Garh Kesri Ansuya Prasad Bahuguna called for development of Garhwal Kumaon region as a separate unit or state.
1954: Indira Singh Nayal a member of state legislative assembly wrote a letter to the Chief Minister Govind Vallabh Pant requesting for separate arrangements for the development of the region.
1955: Fazal Ali called for reformation of U.P. with the intention of forming a separate state of Uttrakhand.
1957: Vice-President of planning commission T.T. Krishnamachari called for special attention to the problem of the people of hilly regions.
12th May 1970: Indira Gandhi imposed the responsibility of backwardness and underdevelopement of the hill stations V.P. on the state and the Central Government.
24th July 1979: Formation of "Uttarakhand Kranti Dal" for the formation of a separate hill state.
June 1987: Pledge for formation of separate Uttarakhand state in all party meeting in Karnprayag.
Nov. 1987: Protest in Delhi and noticed to President. Haridwar was included as a part of Uttarakhand as per notice.
1991: B.J.P. government passed the proposal for formation of Uttarakhand in the legislative assembly and send it to Central Government for approval.
1994: Chief Minister Mulayam Singh Yadav set up Kaniskya committee for evaluating demands for Uttarakhand. On 21 June 1994, the committee submitted its report in favour of Uttarakhand.
June 1994: Students' movements all over Uttarakhand for separate state.
19th Aug. 1994: Strike observed by employees of state government in Nainital, slogans were shorted in Loksabaha
1st Sep. 1994: Police firing on protestors in Khatima, many were killed curfew imposed in Haldwani and Khatima .
2nd Sep. 1994: Police firing on protestors in Mussorrie, 7 killed including DSP.
3rd Sep. 1994: Mass protest of people from all walks of life including students, women etc. in all over Uttarakhand.
1st - 2nd Oct. 1994: Atrocities on protestors in their way to Delhi many killed, many imprisoned, their bus was set to fire, misbehaviour with women Mass protest in Delhi police firing on mob.
3rd Oct. 1994: Mass protest all over Uttarakhand public property were destroyed curfew imposed in various region one person each killed in Nainital, Rishikesh and Dehradun
7th Oct. 1994: One woman killed in police firing, one police station looted and policemen made to parade without uniform.
13th Oct. 1994: One killed during curfew in Dehradun.
27th Oct. 1994: Peace restored in Uttarakhand after talks with then Home Minister Rajesh Pilot.
10th Nov. 1995: Two protestors killed as a result of police atrocities on protestors in Triyank Taapu, Srinagar.
5th Aug. 1996: Prime Minister H. D. Devegauda announced the formation of Uttarakhand state from the red fort and asked the state legislative assembly for its opinion
1998: For the first time B.J.P. sent an ordinance for the formation of Uttarakhand state through the President to the state legislative assembly.
2000: The government headed by Atal Behari Vajpayee once again presented the Uttar Pradesh Reformation Bill-2000 for the formation of Uttarakhand. The Central Government presented the bill in the Lok Sabha on 27th July 2000, the bill was passed in the Lok Sabha on the 1st August 2000 and on 10th August 2000 in the Rajya Sabha. On 28th August 2000 it received the sanction of the President. The Central Govt. fixed 9th November 2000 for the formation of the Uttarakhand state.
4.0 TELANGANA
Telangana, the newest state to be created within the Union of India in 2014, has had a tumultuous history. When India became independent from the British Empire in 1947, the Nizam of Hyderabad, a Muslim king, wanted his Hyderabad State to remain independent under the special provisions given to princely states. But the Hindus of the Hyderabad State who accounted for 93% of the population, launched the 'Join India' movement with the cooperation of a few Muslims for the integration of the State with the rest of the country.
There were other parties involved in the movement too. The Indian National leaders from the state as well as Arya Samaj leaders whole-heartedly supported the movement. The peasants of the state, influenced by Communist party, had also revolted against the Nizam, who tried to suppress their armed struggle against landlords. The Qasim Razvi led private Razakar Muslim army fighting for continuation of the Nizam's rule, indulged in atrocities on its own people.
Finally, the military of the Government of India, under instructions from the Home Minister Sardar Patel, liberated and assimilated the Hyderabad State on 17 September 1948. The hugely successful military operation was called Operation Polo.
4.1 Post-independence
Peace proved elusive in the initial years. A communist-led peasant revolt started in Telangana in 1946, which lasted until 1951. At that time, the Hyderabad state included 9 Telugu speaking districts of Telangana, 4 Kannada districts in Gulbarga division & 4 Marathi speaking districts in Aurangabad division. Rangareddy district was carved out of Hyderabad district of Telangana in 1978. The Central Government appointed a civil servant, M. K. Vellodi, as First Chief Minister of Hyderabad state on 26 January 1950. He administered the state with the help of bureaucrats from Madras state and Bombay state. In 1952, Dr. Burgula Ramakrishna Rao was elected Chief Minister of Hyderabad State in the first democratic election. During this time, violent agitations by some Telanganites to send back bureaucrats from Madras state took place. They demanded a strict implementation of 'Mulki-rules' (local jobs for locals only), which was part of Hyderabad state law since 1919.
In 1952, Telugu-speaking people were distributed in about 22 districts, 9 of them in the former Nizam's dominions of the princely state of Hyderabad, 12 in the Madras Presidency (Andhra region), and one in French-controlled Yanam. Meanwhile, Telugu-speaking areas in the Andhra region were carved out of the erstwhile Madras state by leaders like Potti Sri Ramulu to create Andhra State in 1953, with Kurnool as its capital.
4.2 Merger of Hyderabad State and Andhra
In December 1953, the States Reorganisation Commission was appointed to prepare for the creation of states on linguistic lines. The commission, due to public demand, recommended disintegration of Hyderabad state and to merge Marathi speaking region with Bombay state and Kannada speaking region with Mysore state. After reorganisation in 1956, some regions of the state merged with Bombay and Mysore states respectively and rest of the state(Telangana) was merged with Andhra state to form Andhra Pradesh state.
The States Reorganisation Commission (SRC) was not in favour of an immediate merger of Telugu speaking Telangana region with Andhra state, despite their common language. It said "opinion in Andhra is overwhelmingly in favour of the larger unit; public opinion in Telangana has still to crystallise itself. Important leaders of public opinion in Andhra themselves seem to appreciate that the unification of Telangana with Andhra, though desirable, should be based on a voluntary and willing association of the people and that it is primarily for the people of Telangana to take a decision about their future".
The people of Telangana had several concerns. The region had a less-developed economy than Andhra, but with a larger revenue base (mostly because it taxed rather than prohibited alcoholic beverages), which people of Telangana feared might be diverted for use in Andhra. They feared that planned irrigation projects on the Krishna and Godavari rivers would not benefit Telangana proportionately, even though people of Telangana controlled the headwaters of the rivers. It was feared that the people of Andhra, who had access to higher standards of education under the British rule, would have an unfair advantage in seeking government and educational jobs.
The commission proposed that the Telangana region be constituted as a separate state with a provision for unification with Andhra state, after the 1961 general elections, if a resolution could be passed in the Telangana state assembly with a two-thirds majority. The Chief Minister of Hyderabad State, Burgula Ramakrishna Rao, expressed his view that a majority of Telangana people were against the merger. He supported the Congress party's central leadership decision to merge Telangana and Andhra despite opposition in Telangana. Andhra state assembly passed a resolution on 25 November 1955 to provide safeguards to Telangana. The resolution said, "Assembly would further like to assure the people in Telangana that the development of that area would be deemed to be special charge, and that certain priorities and special protection will be given for the improvement of that area, such as reservation in services and educational institutions on the basis of population and irrigational development."Telangana leaders did not believe the safeguards would work.
With lobbying from Andhra Congress leaders and with pressure from the Central leadership of Congress party, an agreement was reached between Telangana leaders and Andhra leaders on 20 February 1956 to merge Telangana and Andhra with promises to safeguard Telangana's interests. This came to be known as the Gentlemen's agreement. The agreement allowed the formation of the state of Andhra Pradesh in 1956 itself, against the SRC's recommendations of waiting until 1961 to get the approval of 2/3 of Telangana state assembly after the 2 cycles of elections in Telangana state.
Prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru initially was skeptical of merging Telangana with Andhra State, fearing a "tint of expansionist imperialism" in it. Following the Gentlemen's agreement, the central government established a unified Andhra Pradesh on November 1, 1956. The agreement provided reassurances to Telangana in terms of power-sharing as well as administrative domicile rules and distribution of expenses of various regions.
4.3 Timeline of events
November 25, 1955 - The Andhra assembly passes a resolution to merge the region called Telangana into itself, while promising to safeguard the interests of the people in the state. The once Nizam-ruled Urdu and Telugu speaking state feared that the English and Telugu speaking people would have an advantage over them and feared that their interests might be sidelined.
February 20, 1956 - A "Gentlemen's Agreement" was signed between the erstwhile Andhra Pradesh chief minister B Gopala Reddy and his then Hyderabad state counterpart B Ramakrishna Rao to go ahead with the merger.
November 1, 1956 - The centre establishes a unified Andhra Pradesh. Mass migration ensues with a chunk of the Andhra population moving to Telangana - most of them to the well established city of Hyderabad.
1969 - An agitation begins in Telangana, rising from a student movement, with people protesting that the Gentlemen's Agreement had failed them. The agitation is short lived. The battle between the people and Indira Gandhi government saw thousands of people thrown in jail while at least 300 protesters were shot by the police.
1971 - A few years after the agitation, the Telangana Praja Samithi (TPS) tries to take the democratic route to a separate state and wins 10 out of 11 seats in the 1971 Lok Sabha elections.
September 1971 - TPS chief Marri Chenna Reddy holds talks with Prime Minister Indira Gandhi following which the TPS merges with the Congress and the Telangana agitations eventually died down.
11 October, 1999 - TDP chief N Chandrababu Naidu takes the oath for his second spell as chief minister. Meanwhile, a TDP leader and close confidant of Naidu, K Chandrasekhar Rao seethes with anger at being rejected for a ministerial post at the last moment. He later quits the TDP and forms the Telangana Rashtra Samithi (TRS).
27 April 2001 - The TRS is formed, which would later champion the cause of a separate Telangana. For the next few years, the TRS gradually ups the ante for a separate state, but to no avail.
2 September 2009 - A helicopter crash in the Nallamala forest which resulted in the death of then AP chief minister Y.S Rajashekar Reddy, saw new life pumped into KCR's political aspirations.
29 November, 2009 - the TRS chief undertakes an indefinite fast unto death, which ended with a statement from the then Union Home Minister P. Chidambaram on 9 December 2009 that the Centre had started the process of forming the state of Telangana.
3 February, 2010 - The Sri Krishna committee for Telangana, headed by former Supreme Court judge B.N. Srikrishna is formed to look into demand for a separate state of Telangana.
30 December, 2010 - The Committee submitted its report to the Centre, with six suggestions to go ahead with. However, pro-Telangana activists dismissed the suggestions and proceeded with their demands. A few more years of political turmoil continue. Hyderabad almost witnesses a complete shutdown until the centre gives in to the demands.
June 2, 2014 - Telangana is created as India's 29th state. TRS chief K Chandrasekhar Rao takes oath as the first chief minister.
5.0 Conclusion
It can be concluded that the intersection of movement and party politics helped to shape the goals and strategies adopted by social activists in Jharkhand and Uttarakhand, bringing a demand for new states to preeminence. These themes have been taken up not to diminish the agency of the marginalized but to argue that any account of the politics of marginality must take account of the interrelationships between institutionalized and non-institutionalized politics. Since the granting of statehood, Jharkhand has displayed greater political instability than possibly any other Indian state. In ten years (2000-2010) it has seen the formation of eight different short-lived governments with four different chief ministers, and two periods of President's Rule. Since state formation, the BJP's rising adivasi leader of the 1990s and Jharkhand's first chief minister, Babulal Marandi, has left the BJP to form his own party, the Jharkhand Vikas Morcha. There is a strong impression that weakly organized political parties offer limited mobility for aspiring candidates, even as the promise to extract rents from mining and industrial ventures increases the lure of political careers. Jharkhand appears to be moving close to what has been described as a "malady" of "systemless competition." This is a situation of extreme fluidity in which electoral competition is not bound by political party conventions and where individual entrepreneurship or loose, very short-term groupings hold sway.
Lack of stability has diminished the ability of the state to pursue long-term developmental goals. It has delayed the agreement, for example, of minimum, implementable standards for rehabilitation and resettlement following industrial development. Equally, such instability has also forestalled movement on dozens of memorandums of understanding with business signed by the government. In some senses, the paralysis in governance in Jharkhand reflects the strength and spaces maintained by local resistance movements. But it also marks the absence of a political settlement that can effectively mediate between deeply divergent visions of development. Agreement in favour of statehood masked such tensions rather than representing a new political contract. Without functioning state institutions, inclusive economic growth looks set to remain elusive. Furthermore, in Jharkhand (and Chhattisgarh), there has been a reversion to movements outside the electoral system since state creation with the spread of a variety of groups under the loose umbrella of Naxalism (as well as counter-Naxal movements). This reflects in part a dissatisfaction with the functioning of institutionalized politics, as well as contests over the ownership of natural resources in the context of increasing Maoist activity across central India. We now present some factual comparison across new States, compared to their parent states.
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