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Myanmar crisis - India’s response and the issue of refugees
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- India on Myanmar, 2021: India finally moved to a more pro-active stand as concerns grew worldwide about growing internal strife and instability in Myanmar, after the military coup that grabbed power from elected political leaders. After a closed-door UNSC meeting on Myanmar, Ambassador TS Tirumurti, India’s Permanent Representative to the UNGA, responded by condemning the violence in Myanmar and condoled the loss of lives. He called for the release of detained leaders and urged maximum restraint.
- What this message means: The messages shows India’s commitment to a democratic transition, and there also was a statement about supporting peace efforts by the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN, of which Myanmar is a member). But ASEAN has been tentative, even timid, in the face of China’s support to the military junta in Myanmar (the Tatmadaw).
- Significance with India’s stance: The April 2021 statement is the most clear one so far by India on Myanmar and a response to criticism of its earlier stand. It marks a departure from the stance befriending the military (which has not always been friendly to India’s interests) and engaging with the civilian government, which held office only for 5 years.
- Current bloody situation: There is increasing disorder in Myanmar which appears to be escalating as the civil disobedience movement (CDM) flares. The CDM has been innovative, energetic and driven by young people in the majority Burman and Buddhist-dominated heartland. Disobedience could lead to extensive civil disorder and worse. Daily shows of defiance occur, the banks are not functional, and markets are shut. The only courts which appear to be open are those used to present detainees and those charged with violations of regime controls while the cases against Suu Kyi and her colleagues pile up.
- The battle-scarred armies of the ethnic groups had fought the Myanmar army to a standstill over nearly 70 years. They had recently signed a ceasefire with Suu Kyi.
- These groups are now preparing for war again and are allying with each other. A provisional government of leaders who escaped detention has been announced.
- India’s priorities now: India’s concerns at this stage are mainly two - (i) the people of Myanmar - they have tasted freedom of expression, assembly and association for the first time in decades under Suu Kyi, and are rightfully determined to hold on to this freedom, and (ii) India's North-East - the future stability and security of India’s north-east is crucial. The Act East and Neighbourhood First policies are anchored in the eight states of the North-east.
- India keeps in mind the various insurgent groups from the North-east, who have a history of relations with ethnic armed groups in Myanmar.
- The insurgents often take shelter there and establish bases, and some still live there.
- Impact on Centre-State relations: The four states of Arunachal Pradesh, Nagaland, Manipur and Mizoram have long borders with Myanmar. The last two states have taken some 1,500 persons, including a number of junior police officials, fleeing from the crackdown in the bordering Chin State. New Delhi advised the states on the border not to allow Myanmar nationals fleeing the crackdown to enter Indian territory. But Mizoram CM Zoramthanga has rejected this approach, saying that his government will accept people fleeing, on humanitarian grounds. He wrote to the prime minister saying that as the world’s largest democracy, India could not simply stand aside heartlessly. The Manipur government, too, has withdrawn its circular which had asked district officials along the border to “politely” turn back refugees.
- A refugee policy: The Chins in Myanmar and the Mizos and Kukis (and sub-groups) in Mizoram and Manipur are kin. A historical affinity connects them by ethnicity, religion, and language. In the aftermath of the 1988 army crackdown on the pro-democracy movement that killed thousands, many Chins and other refugees fled to Manipur and Mizoram. Local leaders and non-government groups, with the tacit support of central and state agencies, allowed them to live, work and even settle. The present situation thus must be utilised by India to develop a long-term approach to the issue of refugees fleeing political persecution in their homelands. India does not have a National Refugee Law nor is it a signatory to the UN Convention governing refugees.
- History: India has allowed Tibetans, Tamil refugees from Sri Lanka, Chakmas of Bangladesh, the Lothsampas of Nepali origin from Bhutan, Afghans, Somalis and many others into this land. But these remain ad hoc approaches. This has been sought to be addressed for six “minority” communities of Pakistan, Bangladesh and Afghanistan in a long-term manner by the controversial Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA). But the CAA does not cover many of the cases listed above.
- What does this call for: A national mechanism needs to be developed which goes beyond short-term measures. It must take into account a needs-based assessment of how best to handle rapid outflows of persecuted persons.
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